, Research Paper
& # 8220 ; Viking & # 8221 ; Pilgrimage to the Holy Landfram! fram! cristmenn, crossmenn, konungsmenn! & # 8212 ; & # 8211 ; & # 8221 ; Viking pilgrim’s journey & # 8221 ; & # 8211 ; the phrase seems a contradiction. For three centuries, from circa A.D. 750-1050, the political and economic life of the Northern universe was dominated by Norse military activity and trade, but it was as Vikings that the Norsemen became known to the peoples of the Christian universe, who depicted them as reavers and killers of alone fierceness. The piratical stage of Viking activity, nevertheless, was comparatively ephemeral, and was followed by a more reticent colonisation stage. When the Scandinavians first began to settle in the West in the latter portion of the 9th century, they came into sustained contact with Christianity and its clergy, and it became inevitable that the barbaric Northmen, with their crude beliefs in antique Gods and with their deficiency of authorship and literacy, would be greatly influenced by the higher Christian civilisation which they now encountered at such close quarters. Not surprisingly, the transition of the Viking peoples and their integrating into the Western European Christian community has influenced resolutely the historiography of the Northern universe. Previously defined in footings of what they were, Scandinavians of the eleventh and 12th centuries were implicitly defined in footings of what they were non & # 8211 ; sea-borne adventurers and marauding warriors of the type familiar in old heroic tradition. The creative activity of such a pronounced duality between & # 8220 ; Christian & # 8221 ; and & # 8220 ; Viking, & # 8221 ; nevertheless, has tended to put undue accent on the forces of alteration, frequently at the disbursal of native cultural traditions which persisted through the Viking age and good into the Christian epoch. Indeed, it was the heathen traditions of the Northmen which ensured that the passage to Christianity would be a comparatively simple and painless procedure. After all, the new faith was a royal one, and its literature, notably the Old Testament, described a universe really much like their ain in which the success of male monarchs as they led their ground forcess in hunt of glorification and addition depended upon their obeisance to the will of God. Some Norsemen thought the worship of Christ compatible with that of the heathen Gods. Icelander Helgi the Lean, as assorted in religion as he was in blood, & # 8221 ; believed in Christ, and called his place in the Eyjafjord Kristnes ( & # 8221 ; Christs Headland & # 8221 ; ) , but when at sea or in times of great emphasis he would raise Thor.1 A soaprock mold from Trendg rden in Denmark, excessively, was clearly intended to suit either belief, since both crosses and cocks could be cast from its mold. It is barely singular that some Norse male monarchs, like other barbaric swayers before them, were willing to accept that the God of the Christians was more powerful than other Gods, a lesson reinforced by their consciousness through buccaneering and loot, true of the accomplishments, wealth, and impressiveness of their great coevalss in France, Germany, and England. Norse colonists in these states, excessively, whether royal or otherwise, may hold converted merely out of political expedience. In 1016, a Norse imperium of Denmark, Norway, and England was ruled by Cnut, a Dane and a Christian ; by his decease in 1035, Scandinavia and her Viking states had been about wholly integrated into the universe of Western Christendom. Whilst following the signifiers and patterns of their new faith, nevertheless, these ex-barbarians did non wholly abandon the elements and patterns of their earlier civilization. The continuity of cultural continuity through the transition procedure and beyond can be demonstrated in several countries, but nowhere as clearly and yet every bit out of the blue as in the establishment which epitomized the Christian experience, that of Holy Land pilgrim’s journey. It has frequently been assumed that the northern lands remained mostly outside the great pilgrim motion of the ten percent and 11th centuries. Information gleaned from Icelandic sagas, Latin accounts, and pilgrim’s journey paths, nevertheless, suggest otherwise. Indeed, some of those who are commemorated on Swedish runestones as holding died out East or in the land of the Greeks well may hold been on pilgrim’s journey. One rock from Broby in Uppland bears the eleventh-century lettering: & # 8220 ; Estrid had this rock raised for her hubby Osten ; he went to Jerusalem and died abroad in the land of the Greeks. & # 8221 ; Another lost lettering recorded near Stockholm was made for a adult female who hoped to travel E to Jerusalem and recorded her purpose in stone.2 Even before the transition, nevertheless, the Vikings were no aliens to the wealthy and powerful Byzantine universe, lured by the escapade and good wage in the runs overseas and by the glimmer steeples of Constantinople. The eastern path to Constantinople was pioneered early on by the Swedes, down the river path to the Dneiper and to the Black Sea ; this route was subsequently followed by Christian male monarchs of Norway and Denmark until Tartar invasions put an terminal to the old form and blocked the manner east.3 An option was the & # 8220 ; west & # 8221 ; route by sea unit of ammunition Spain and through Gibraltar, used early on by piratical Danes and subsequently by Norwegians going in big companies on campaign. There was besides a & # 8220 ; south & # 8221 ; route through Germany to Rome and so east by sea ; this path is described in item in the pilgrim-diary of Nikol s, archimandrite of the Benedictine monastery at Munkathver, Iceland ( 1155-59 ) .4 This itinerary is peculiarly utile, being remarkably detailed for its period and unique for its state of beginning. The earliest Scandinavians to see the Byzantine universe came as they did to many parts of western and southern Europe as bargainers, adventurers, and warriors. Much of the history of the Vikings in the East is concerned with their onslaughts on the Byzantine capital of Constantinople. Later, nevertheless, their feats won them the regard of the emperors for their endurance, trueness, and splendid contending qualities. A long line of Scandinavians, largely anon. , served the Byzantine swayers in the ground forces and fleet and eventually in a subdivision of the Imperial or & # 8220 ; Varangian & # 8221 ; Guard in Constantinople. Nor did this broad going halt with secular journeys ; on the reverse, after the transition Constantinople became a convenient stopping-place on an even longer journey as the call to the Holy Land found frequent response in the Black Marias of the devout or the funny. The uual Norse name was J rsalaland, literally, & # 8220 ; the land of Jerusalem & # 8221 ; ; the Holy City itself was J rsalir or J rsalaborg.5 One of the earliest northern pilgrims to see Jerusalem and the Holy Places, circa 990, was Icelander Thorvald the Far-travelled, a distinguished Viking before his transition by a Saxon bishop, Frederick. Thorvald himself tried to prophesy the new religion to his countrymen, but when he killed two poets who made mocking poetries about him and another adult male who opposed his sermon, Bishop Frederick withdrew his support.6The Viking preference for travel and escapade made it easy for Christianized Scandinavians to follow the thought of pilgrim’s journey. It was, after all, non wholly unlike their ain secular tradition of traveling a-viking. But there were other factors, besides, which allowed Holy Land pilgrim’s journey to be rapidly assimilated into their ain cultural tradition. The Scandinavians had long been familiar with the construct of holy topographic points. The presence of sacred Grovess in Denmark is recorded every bit early as the first century A.D. in Tacitus Germania,7 and it is no surprise that when the first Christian bishop established himself in Sweden in 1164, he chose as his place Uppsala, site of the most sacred temple to the old gods.8 This construct of a holy topographic point, although more closely related to the Grecian tradition of puting, however lent the thought of a Christian Holy Land a certain grade of acquaintance. Even more singular, nevertheless, is the pre-Christian analogue with Jerusalem itself. Medieval tradition placed Jerusalem at the Centre of the universe ; Nikol s of Munkathver, in his ain pilgrim-diary, reported that & # 8220 ; the centre of the Earth is at that place, where the Sun shines straight down from the sky on the banquet of John. & # 8221 ; 9 This position is further evidenced by Jerusalems cardinal place in universe maps down to the 15th century, peculiarly noticeable in the thirteenth-century Psalter Map and Higdens fourteenth-century map. The account is provided in Ezekiel 5:5: & # 8220 ; I have set it in the thick of the states and the states that are around her. & # 8221 ; 10 Harmonizing to popular Christian belief, the Cross itself stood at the mid-point of the Earth when it was raised at Calvary, at the really topographic point one time occupied by the fatal tree of Eden. A similar belief was held in the Norse heathen tradition, merely alternatively of the Cross the universe had for its centre a great Tree, a mighty ash called Yggdrasill, whose subdivisions stretched out over Earth and Eden likewise and whose roots delved down into the universe of the dead. It was characteristic of the World Tree, excessively, that its life was renewed continually ; therefore it became, like the Cross, a symbol of changeless metempsychosis ( or, at least, of regeneration ) and offered to work forces the agencies of achieving immortality. Jerusalem, of class, was non simply the physical centre of the universe but the religious centre every bit good, as the site of the Lords Passion. Yet even this has its analogue in the pre-Christian Viking tradition: merely as Christ suffered on the Cross, so was Odin crucified upon the World Tree, as described in the eddic verse form H vam cubic decimeter: I wot that I hung on the wind-tossed treeall of darks nine, wounded by lance, and betoken to Othinn, bespoken myself to myself, [ upon that tree of which none tellethfrom what roots it doth rise ] .12The Gods forfeit is voluntary, but here the resemblance with the Christian God ends. By hanging on Yggdrasill, Odin is non sharing in the agony of the universe or salvaging work forces from decease ; his intent is the acquisition of secret cognition, and the terminal consequence is non the salvation of world but the find of the runic alphabet: Neither horn they upheld nor handed me staff of life ; I looked below mealoud I criedcaught up the runic letters, caught them up howling, thence to the land fell again.13Thus, while much of the form was the same and while in many ways the old faith pointed frontward to the new, the Christian construct of the relationship between God and adult male was immeasurably richer and deeper. Another attractive force for travelers and pilgrims from the North was the acquisition of relics. Unsurprisingly, the heathen Norsemen had their ain talismans and amulets which were of import personal items of religion and which, like Christian relics, were frequently reputed to be contraceptive or healing in nature. There were even particular rocks which, like the Christian eulogiae, could be filled with & # 8220 ; magic & # 8221 ; pulverization to guarantee wellness and long life.14 After the transition, of class, the Scandinavians, like other Christians, sought alternatively to get the relics of saints and apostles. Interestingly, relics of celebrated northern heroes besides were considered in this class. A blade and helmet at Antioch and a coat of mail in a Jerusalem monastery, for illustration, were said to belong to Olaf Tryggvason, the mighty Norse male monarch who disappeared in a sea conflict in the twelvemonth 1000 but who, harmonizing to fable, subsequently appeared in Syria in the signifier of a cryptic monastic, a adult male of distinguished visual aspect and manners who sent gifts and messages back to Norway, but whose individuality has ne’er been revealed.15 The relic of greatest demand in the Christian age, though, was doubtless the True Cross. Some went to unusual lengths to get a fragment of this object: Egeria relates how a fourth-century pilgrim to Jerusalem obtained his keepsake by seize with teething a piece out of the Cross during the ritual caressing of the relic.16 Royal Scandinavian pilgrims, excessively, often sought to get a piece of this most holy relic, although normally without fall backing to such drastic steps. Indeed, in more than one case Christian governments seemed most suiting in such affairs. Knytlinga Saga, associating the history of the Danish Kings, tells how Eirik the Good decided to see Jerusalem: I describe how the kingbold in struggle, to curehis souls cicatrixs, from the northset out with his soldiers: he prepared himself for Paradise, and went to explorethe peace of Jerusalem, to do his life pure.17En path to the Holy Land, Eirik called at Constantinople in 1103 for a drawn-out stay. Here the 12th book of Saxo Grammaticus Gesta Danorum pi
cks up the narrative.18 As the Danish male monarch was fixing to go on his journey, the Emperor asked him what he most wished to have as a farewell gift. Eirik replied that he desired sanctum relics merely. He was given the organic structure of St. Nicholas and a fragment of the True Cross, which he sent place to Roskilde and to a church at Slangerup which he had himself built. Unfortunately, Eirik ne’er reached the Holy Land ; he fell badly of a febrility and died in Cyprus, and was buried, harmonizing to Abbot Nikol s, in the church at Baffa, where there was a Varangian garrison.19 His queen, Bodhild, died shortly after, but non before making Palestine with the remainder of the Danish company.
There is much in the pre-Christian tradition to urge northern engagement in the post-conversion pilgrim’s journey motion. We have already observed how heathen cultural traditions could be easy absorbed into a justificaton of Holy Land pilgrim’s journey. The best agencies of showing cultural continuity, nevertheless, is to analyze straight one or two of the lasting Norse pilgrim’s journey histories. One of the most complete pilgrim’s journey accounts we possess is that of Sigurd ( see appendix ) , called Jorsalafarer ( & # 8221 ; the Crusader & # 8221 ; , or even & # 8220 ; the Pilgrim & # 8221 ; & # 8211 ; literally & # 8220 ; Jerusalem-farer & # 8221 ; ) , although its completeness is derived from the bite of several diverse sources.20 Snorri tells us in Magn*ssona Saga how the two boies of King Magnus Barefoot, Sigurd and Eystein, ruled Norway jointly until a determination was made to mount an expedition to the Holy Land. Sigurd, so merely 19 old ages of age, was chosen to take the venture.21 He and his company journeyed by the & # 8220 ; west & # 8221 ; path, sailing around France and Spain with assorted escapades on the manner: conflicts with plagiarists on the sea, battles with the Arabs in Spain, and profitable hoarded wealth runing on the Balearic Islands. Sigurd was welcomed heartily by Roger of Sicily and so went on to the Holy Land where he was received by Baldwin of Jerusalem. The reaching of the Norse fleet of 55 ships ( other beginnings say 60 ) at Joppa during a important point of the campaign-when Acre was besieged by the Saracens-is described in the History of the Expedition to Jerusalem by Fulcher of Chartres, the chief beginning for the Jerusalem expedition from 1095 to 1127.22 Sigurd himself is non named, but the leader of the Norse expedition is described by Fulcher as & # 8220 ; a really fine-looking young person, a kinsman of the male monarch of that country. & # 8221 ; There is besides a mention to the meeting of Baldwin and Sigurd in the Chronicle of Albertus of Aix, although for a more elaborate history of the visit we must return to the saga beginnings, in this instance Sigurdar Saga J rsalafara.23 Here it is said that the Egyptian fleet retired from Akrborg ( Acre ) when the Norse ships appeared and Sigurd entered the metropolis. Baldwin begged him to remain for a clip and aid with the conquering of the Holy Land, and Sigurd replied that this was why he had come, but that he besides wanted to see the Holy Places. Baldwin so took him to Jerusalem, where churchmans in white robes led a emanation to the Holy Sepulchre, and to all the Holy Places. They picked thenars and visited the Jordan, where it would look that Sigurd swam over, as was the usage, and recorded his crossing by binding a knot in the brushwood on the other side, or so he subsequently claimed. Then the King asked Sigurd what he most desired to hold, and Sigurd, like Eirik, asked for a piece of the True Cross. After some treatment with the patriarch and bishops, this was agreed to, on status that it was placed beside the shrine of St. Olaf in Norway. After this Sigurd supported Baldwin in the besieging of Sidon, before returning place in the winter of 1110 by manner of Cyprus, where he no uncertainty visited Eiriks grave, and Constantinople, where his activities suggest a conjunct attempt ( as with his petition for a fragment of the Cross ) to be or excel Eiriks earlier accomplishments in that metropolis. The last Northern leader recorded as sing Constantinople and the Holy Land was Jarl Rognvald of Orkney, whose journey is accounted for in the Orkneyinga Saga ( see appendix ) .24 It was Eindridi the Younger, who had spent a considerable clip in the service of the Byzantine emperor, who is said to hold persuaded the Jarl to set about the pilgrim’s journey and who volunteered his ain services as a usher. Several Scandinavians of rank took portion in the expedition, whilst Bishop William of Paris went along as an translator ; there were besides four poets in the company. The expedition of 15 ships set out in 1151. The ocean trip down the east seashore of England and round France and Spain was, like Sigurds, an exciting one, with some contending on the manner and opportunities to derive loot, including an onslaught on two immense merchandiser ships near Sardinia. They sailed to Crete and the Holy Land, eventually geting at Acre. Then they visited the Holy Places, and Rognvald and Sigmund Fishhook swam across the Jordan and, like Sigurd, tied knots in the brushwood on the other side, after which they composed poetries, obviously one athletics, in which they referred scoffingly to those who had non made the journey.25 Then they sailed for Constantinople & # 8220 ; as they knew Sigurd Jorsalafarer had done, & # 8221 ; and on to Bulgaria, returning to Orkney via the & # 8220 ; south & # 8221 ; path overland by manner of Rome, Germany, and Denmark. There are a figure of common elements in these two pilgrim’s journey histories, some of which for illustration the apparent spirit of escapade and the hunt for relics have already been discussed. Another cardinal subject of both histories, nevertheless, is the game of one-upmanship with old Holy Land visitants. Sigurds activities in Palestine and Constantinople clearly imitated Eiriks earlier ocean trip, merely as Rognvald subsequently sought to excel Sigurds achievements ; hence the inclusion of the four poets in the latters pilgrim company. The most important manifestation of such a competitory spirit, nevertheless, is in the Vikings visit to the Jordan. The first recorded Norse leader to see the Jordan was King Harald Hardradi, & # 8220 ; Harald the Ruthless, & # 8221 ; celebrated chiefly for holding been defeated by Harold of England at Stamford Bridge in Yorkshire in 1066. Harald was said to hold visited the Holy Land while on his circuit with the Imperial Guard, during which he went to the Jordan and bathed in the river & # 8220 ; as is the usage of all pilgrims. & # 8221 ; 26 By Sigurds clip, nevertheless, a new component had been added to the ritual: that of binding knots in the brushwood on the far side of the river. Upon his return place Sigurds ain words to Eystein indicated that he had tied such a knot for his brother across the Jordan, and suggested that unless he went and untied it he could non get away a expletive laid upon him obviously a mention to the old association between a knot and a thaumaturgy enchantment, the spoken words being valid until the knot which secures their power is untied.27 A similar significance can be attached to the poetries spoken by Rognvald and his comrades after their ain completion of the ritual ( see appendix ) . It seems as if the Northmen turned a familiar usage, that of swimming the Jordan as a cogent evidence that the pilgrim had accomplished his vow, into a self-praise and challenge to those who had non proved themselves their peers on a unsafe pilgrim’s journey. Indeed, it becomes evident that the Christian male monarchs and jarls on pilgrim’s journey from the North were non so different after all from those earlier Vikings who sought out the Byzantine universe as the topographic point where they might win wealth and fame and set up their high quality over those who had remained at place. It would be foolish to propose that the northern converts came to the Holy Land simply as a continuance of their heathen activities. On the contrary, more frequently than non they came for the same grounds as other pilgrims-as an avowal of religion. Thorvald the Far-travelled, halting off at Constantinople after his pilgrim’s journey to Jerusalem and the Holy Places, was praised by the bishops of Greece and Syria for his work in distributing the religion and even commissioned by the Emperor to take a missional party into Russia.28 Nevertheless, there is no denying the continuance of a cultural tradition which allowed even first coevals converts like Thorvald to encompass wholeheartedly the new faith. Elementss of heathen spiritual belief, every bit good as a tradition of travel and escapade and a spirit of competition amongst warriors-whether warriors of Odin or of Christ-allowed the Scandinavians to follow Christian pilgrim’s journey patterns with an enthusiasm unparalleled in Western Europe. Their nearest rivals, the Normans, were themselves Vikings who had settled in northern France in the early 10th century. Sing the deepness of the response which the call to the Holy Land found in the Black Marias of northern converts, it no longer necessitate surprise us that cultural continuity played its portion in the rapid development of & # 8220 ; Viking & # 8221 ; pilgrim’s journey. The battle-cry in Ol degree Fahrenheit saga, quoted above, gives ample grounds of this transmutation: & # 8220 ; Forward! forward! title-holders of Christ, of the Cross, and of the male monarch! & # 8221 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; appendix & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; & # 8212 ; Endnotes1. Alfred P. Smyth, Warlords and Holy Men: Scotland A.D. 80-1000 ( London, 1984 ) , 163. 2. H. R. Ellis-Davidson, The Viking Road to Byzantium ( London, 1976 ) , 247-8. 3. Ibid. , 13. 4. There is no individual comprehensive English interlingual rendition of Nikol s journey. The undermentioned nevertheless, contain interlingual renditions and commentary on specific subdivisions of his path: Joyce Hill, & # 8220 ; From Rome to Jerusalem: an Icelandic Itinerary of the mid-twelfth century, & # 8221 ; Harvard Theological Review 76 [ 1983 ] 175-203 ; Francis P. Magoun, & # 8220 ; The Rome of Two Northern Pilgrims: Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury and Abbot Nikol s of Munkathver, & # 8221 ; Harvard Theological Review 33 [ 1940 ] 267-89 ; Francis P. Magoun, & # 8220 ; The Pilgrim Diary of Nikol s of Munkathver: the Road to Rome, & # 8221 ; Mediaeval Studies 6 [ 1944 ] 314-54. 5. Hill, & # 8220 ; Rome to Jerusalem, & # 8221 ; 188-9 ; Knytlinga Saga ( The History of the Kings of Denmark ) , tr. H. P lsson and P. Edwards ( Odense, 1986 ) , 194. 6. Ellis-Davidson, Viking Road to Byzantium, 254. 7. & # 8220 ; On an island of the sea stands an inviolate grove, in which, veiled with a fabric, is a chariot that none but the priest may touch. . . & # 8221 ; Tacitus, The Agricola and the Germania, tr. H. Mattingly and S. A. Handford ( Harmondsworth, 1970 ) , Ger. 40. 8. H. R. Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths of Northern Europe ( Harmondsworth, 1964 ) , 12. 9. Hill, & # 8220 ; Rome to Jerusalem, & # 8221 ; 180. 10. Even every bit tardily as 1664, the high Gallic priest Eugene Roger in authorship of Palestine dwelt on the mentions in the Old Testament in order to turn out that the exact Centre of the Earth is a topographic point marked on the paving of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. George H. T. Kimble, Geography in the Middle Ages ( New York, 1968 ) , 186. 11. Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths, 26, 192. 12. H vam cubic decimeter, stanza 139. In the Poetic Edda, tr. Lee M. Hollander ( Austin, 1962 ) , 36. It has frequently been thought, on the footing that the Edda was non committed to composing until after the transition, that this image of the agony God hanging from the tree must hold been derived from the Christian Crucifixion. However, we know from independent informants, such as Procopius in his Gothic War and Arab traveler Ibn Fadlan, that ritual human forfeit by noose and lance was a usage which preceded the Viking Age and continued at Uppsala every bit tardily as the 10th century, a fact farther confirmed by archeological grounds. Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths, 51-2. 13. Ibid. , stanza 139. 14. Peter G. Foote and David M. Wilson, The Viking Achievement ( New York, 1970 ) , 404-5. 15. Ellis-Davidson, Viking Road to Byzantium, 255. 16. Egerias Travels to the Holy Land, tr. J. Wilkinson ( Jerusalem, 1981 ) , ch. 37.2. 17. Knytlinga Saga, ch. 81. 18. Ellis-Davidson, Viking Road to Byzantium, 257-9. 19. Hill, & # 8220 ; Rome to Jerusalem, & # 8221 ; 179. 20. After Ellis-Davidson, Viking Road to Jerusalem, 259-61. 21. Ibid. , from Sorri Sturluson, Heimskringla, Magn*ssona Saga, I. 22. Fulcher of Chartres, A History of the Expedition to Jerusalem, 1095-1127, tr. F. R. Ryan ( Knoxville, 1969 ) , II, xliv, 199. 23. Ellis-Davidson, Viking Road to Byzantium, 260-61. 24. Orkneyinga Saga, tr. H. P lsson and P. Edwards ( London, 1987 ) . 25. Ibid. , ch. 88. 26. King Haralds Saga, tr. M. Magnusson and H. P lsson ( Harmondsworth, 1966 ) , ch. 12. 27. Ellis-Davidson, Viking Road to Byzantium, 265. 28. Ibid. , 254. 29. Sixty ships ( Ibn-al-Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle, 106 ; Ibn-al-Athir, RHC, Or. , I, 275 ; Albert of Aix, XI, xxvi ) .